Does Migration Transform Tradition? Evidence of Socio-Cultural Change in the Tharu Community of Krishnapur Municipality, Nepal

1. Introduction

Nepal is popularly known to have an astonishing ethnic, linguistic, as well as cultural diversity. National Population and Housing Census 2021 has identified over 140 caste and ethnic groups in the country, all of whom have their own languages, cultural traditions, and livelihood systems due to the many years of interaction with the natural environment and socio-political change (National Statistics Office [NSO], 2023). One of such groups is the Tharu community, which is one of the largest nationalities of Indigenous people in Nepal (Adivasi Janajati). Tharu population represents about 67 percent of the countrywide population, and over 1.8 million of the people are concentrated in the Terai and inner-Terai regions, which lie between the eastern parts of Nepal and the far-western parts of the country including Kailali and Kanchanpur (CBS, 2021; NSO, 2023).

Historically, the Tharu people have been able to preserve a clear-cut socio-cultural identity, which is defined by indigenous languages, ritual organization, kinship ties, cultivation, and deep-seated traditions of performing arts and visual images. Such cultural elements demonstrate the ecological ancient adaptation of the community to the forests, rivers and the farming and agriculture landscapes of Terai plains [12]. In the past, malaria used to be a severe threat in the Terai region until the middle of the twentieth century thereby restricting the extensive settlement of the people on the hills of Nepal. The Tharu people formed their own comparatively independent settlements and their own socio-economic systems that were tailored to the environmental conditions in the lowlands of the plains [19]. Their living standards were quite subsistence farming, fishing, herd keeping, and exploitation of forest resources. Customary institutions and the leadership framework that managed the social organization within Tharu communities in the traditional society ensured the maintenance of social relations, dispute settlement and ritual practices [21].

The traditional dances, seasonal celebrations, and decorative wall paintings also had significance in maintaining social integration and passing indigenous knowledge and cultural values to the next generation through the use of cultural practices, which the locals termed as Mokha art [24]. Nevertheless, the socio-cultural life of Tharu people has been changing significantly over the last several decades. After the extinction of malaria in 1950s and the growth of state-funded resettlement initiatives, Terai region received a surge of migrants in the Nepal hill areas. This population change dramatically changed the land tenure, settlement and interethnic relations in the regions that Tharu used to occupy [15]. The most noticeable of these changes are the further western Terai, such as the Kailali and Kanchanpur districts, where in recent decades there has been a rapid population growth accompanied by growing ethnic diversity.

In another study carried by [6] highlights that Tharu women in Kanchanpur face significant socio-economic challenges due to deeply rooted patriarchal norms, limited education, and lack of economic independence. Low literacy—driven by early marriage, poverty, and cultural practices—restricts their empowerment, while traditional beliefs also influence health behaviors. Although women actively contribute to agriculture and livestock, their work is undervalued and they rarely own property or financial assets, leading to economic dependency. Decision-making power remains largely male-dominated, with women having only limited control in specific areas like livestock management. Overall, improving their condition requires better access to education, skill-based training, resource ownership, and inclusive government policies.

The population of Kailali District according to the census 2021 is approximately 911000 people, with Tharus and Rana Tharus as the largest minority groups and around 38% of the district population (CBS, 2021). In a comparable manner, Kanchanpur District had a population of about 513,757 in 2021 with Tharus and Rana Tharus being approximately 26 percent of the district population (CBS, 2021). Such districts are therefore key demographic centers of Tharu community in Sudurpashchim Province. The migration and the growing interaction of the indigenous communities with the migrant populations have seen the Terai region undergo drastic socio-economic and cultural changes.

In most Tharu communities, the subsistence agricultural livelihoods are increasingly being supplemented with wage labor, small businesses, and jobs in the cities or elsewhere. Meanwhile, better access to education, transport, communication technologies, and mass media has exposed younger generations to new notions of ideas, values, and lifestyles that affect their aspirations and social behaviors (Sunam and McCarthy, 2016). Although these processes have provided space within the economy in terms of economic mobility and modernization, they have also posed a question of how some of the traditional practices such as the use of indigenous languages, traditional rituals and institutions of governance in the community have gradually been changed or degraded ([24]; [17]). Although there is a growing academic attention to the Tharu people and general patterns of socio-cultural change in Nepal, much of the available literature has been based rather on historical, anthropological, or regional approaches rather than localized empirical research on cultural change.

The traditional culture, social organization and ecological adaptation of the Tharu people have been documented in early anthropological literature ([21]; [12]) and population transformation of the entire population of the Terai has been studied, in terms of demographic and migrations, following the internal migration and resettlement programs [15]. Nevertheless, very limited literature has conducted a systematic study about migration, as a specific phenomenon, to determine its impact on cultural practices, social institutions and daily life of local Tharu communities.

More precisely, only a few empirical studies have been conducted on the Rana Tharu community in far-western Nepal, particularly in the districts like Kanchanpur and Kailali, although there has been a tremendous demographic and socio-economic transformation in the region. The need to comprehend the connection between migration and cultural change is thus also vital in terms of scholarly inquiry as well as policy making in Nepal. Migration does not simply transform the economic livelihoods; it also affects the social relations, cultural identities and community institutions. The fact that few studies have provided localized empirical evidence on these dynamics is a major gap in the current literature of indigenous transformation in Nepal.

This gap is of great significance especially in the far-western Terai where traditional cultural landscapes are being reshaped due to growing migration, urbanization and market integration. In this regard, the current research paper examines the issue of whether and how migration leads to socio-cultural change in Rana Tharu community of Krishnapur Municipality, Ward No. 5, Kanchanpur District, Nepal. The research question of whether migration is altering the conventional cultural practices among indigenous communities sets the direction of the research. In particular, it examines the effects on family structures, educational access, livelihood, agricultural practices and cultural practices using the example of the Tharu community when migration and growing interaction with migrant populations affect them. The research will be able to contribute to the general field of scholarly discussion regarding migration-induced social change, indigenous identity and cultural adaptation in Nepal and South Asia because it provides marginalized evidence through the localized community context.

2. Materials and Methods

2.1 Research Design

`The research design used in this study is a mixed-methods research design, to explore the linkage between migration and socio-cultural transformation in Tharu community of Krishnapur Municipality, Kanchanpur District, Nepal. The mixed-methods research design is suitable in that the study aims to measure not only the quantitative socio-economic changes but also the subjective view of cultural change on the side of the community members. Structured household surveys were employed to collect quantitative data that were used to determine patterns of change in family structure, education, livelihood and migration experiences among others. Key informant interviews and field observations were used to collect qualitative data in order to gain more information on cultural practices, traditions, and community perceptions on change initiated by migration. It is possible to combine these methods to have a better insight on the impact of migration on socio-cultural processes in the community.

2.2 Study Area

The study was conducted in Krishnapur Municipality, Ward No. 5, located in Kanchanpur District of Sudurpashchim Province in far-western Nepal. The district lies in the western Terai region and shares a border with India, making it an area historically influenced by migration, cross-border interaction, and demographic change. Krishnapur Municipality hosts a significant population of the Rana Tharu community, who have traditionally practiced agriculture and maintained distinct cultural traditions. Over recent decades, the area has experienced increasing migration from hill regions, expansion of transportation infrastructure, and growing integration with regional markets, which have contributed to changes in social and cultural life.

2.3 Population and Sampling

All Tharu families living in Ward No. 5, Krishnapur Municipality formed the target population of the study. Based on the local ward records and community sources, the study area has around 120 households of Tharu. Out of this population, 40 households have been used as the sample in which the survey will be carried out and this is approximately one-third of the entire population.

The survey utilized a simple random sampling method to choose households to participate in the survey to guarantee that there was an equal likelihood of households being selected. Besides having the household respondents the use of key informants like the community leaders, elders, teachers, and the local government representatives were purposely sampled to be interviewed to enable them to provide information in details on cultural practices, migration patterns and the socio-cultural changes in the community.

2.4 Data Collection Methods

Both primary and secondary data sources were used in this study.

Primary data were collected through the following methods:

1. Household Survey:A structured questionnaire was administered to selected household heads or adult members to gather information on demographic characteristics, migration history, education, occupation, landholding, agricultural practices, and participation in cultural traditions.

2. Key Informant Interviews (KII):Semi-structured interviews were conducted with community elders, local leaders, teachers, and knowledgeable persons to understand the historical background of migration and its influence on socio-cultural practices.

3. Field Observation:Direct observation was used to document cultural activities, community events, housing patterns, and daily social interactions within the Tharu settlement.

Secondary data were obtained from published books, journal articles, government reports, census publications, and previous research studies related to migration and Tharu socio-cultural transformation in Nepal.

2.5 Data Analysis Techniques

The data are quantitative and qualitative data collected, which were analyzed. The quantitative data that was collected by the household survey were analyzed with descriptive statistics such as frequency analytical, percentages and cross-tabulations to analyze the pattern of socio-cultural change in terms of migration. Inferential statistical tests like the chi-square tests where suitable were applied to establish correlation between the migration experiences and the selected socio-cultural variables. Thematic analysis was used to analyze qualitative data collected with interviews and observations.

Key informant information was broken down into themes identified as cultural change, migration experiences, traditional institutions and community perceptions. These qualitative data were employed to explain and supplement the quantitative data.

2.6 Ethical Considerations

Ethical considerations were carefully followed during the research process. Participation in the study was voluntary, and respondents were informed about the purpose of the research before data collection. Verbal consent was obtained from participants, and confidentiality of personal information was maintained. The study also respected the cultural norms and traditions of the Tharu community throughout the research process.

2.7 Conceptual Framework

The theoretical construct of this investigation justifies the association between migration and socio-cultural change among Tharu community of Krishnapur Municipality. Migration as an independent variable is regarded as the most important, and the socio-cultural transformation is the dependent outcome. The framework presupposes that the growth of the contact with the migrant population, the exposure to new opportunities in the sphere of economy, education and technology as well as social networks affects the traditional cultural practices and social institutions of the community.

Migration is able to bring in new lifestyles, values, and social norms and this is due to the inter-community interaction, labor mobility, urban exposure, and remittance flows. These forces are capable of slowly transforming the family set-up, livelihood patterns, cultural ways, and the social relations. Simultaneously, modernization aspects like education, media exposure and development of infrastructure can be seen to mediate variables that hasten or alter these changes. This paradigm focuses on socio-cultural change that is evident in a number of aspects such as the family system, education, livelihood, agricultural system, culture, religious ceremonies, festivals, language, and social institutions. This model assumes thus that migration has an indirect and direct impact on these elements of conventional social life.

The framework suggests that migration acts as the primary driving force behind socio-cultural transformation. Migration increases social interaction between the Tharu community and other ethnic groups, which may lead to the adoption of new social practices and values. These interactions are further mediated by modernization processes such as education, communication technology, and economic development.

Consequently, traditional cultural systems—such as joint family structures, agricultural lifestyles, ritual practices, and community governance institutions—may gradually adapt or transform. However, these changes do not necessarily imply the disappearance of tradition; rather, they indicate a dynamic process of cultural adaptation in response to socio-economic and demographic changes.

Conceptual Framework Diagram

MIGRATION ▼ Interaction with migrant populations Exposure to new ideas and lifestyles Remittances and economic mobility Increased mobility and communication ▼ MODERNIZATION FACTORS (Education, technology, media exposure, infrastructure development) ▼ SOCIO–CULTURAL CHANGE ┌───────────────────────────────────────────┐ • Changes in family structure • Changes in livelihood and occupation • Changes in education participation • Changes in agricultural practices • Changes in rituals and festivals • Changes in language and cultural arts • Changes in social institutions └───────────────────────────────────────────Bottom of Form

3. Results

This section presents the empirical findings derived from both the quantitative household survey and qualitative data collected through key informant interviews, informal discussions, and field observations. The analysis focuses on demographic characteristics, landholding patterns, family structures, educational attainment, and occupational transitions within the Tharu community of Krishnapur Municipality. The results provide insight into how migration, economic diversification, and interaction with migrant communities have contributed to socio-cultural change in the study area. Qualitative narratives from community members are incorporated to contextualize the statistical findings and provide a deeper understanding of the lived experiences of socio-cultural transformation.

3.1 Demographic Characteristics of Respondents

The demographic composition of respondents indicates that the largest proportion (37.5%) belongs to the 31–45 age group, representing the economically productive and socially active segment of the community. Individuals in this age category are more likely to participate in labor migration, livelihood diversification, and household decision-making. Many respondents in this group reported having direct or indirect experience with migration, either through their own employment in urban areas or through family members working outside the community.

Source: Field Survey, 2025

The youthful demographic (18 30 years) that comprises 27.5 percent of the respondents signifies a generation that is undergoing a quick social change. Most of the people in this category indicated increased participation in formal education, vocational training and modern employment opportunities which showed a slow transition of the traditional agricultural ways of livelihoods.

A number of young respondents as well emphasized how digital communication technologies and social media affected their dreams and the choice of lifestyle. The presence of the older respondents (46 years and more) of 35% did give useful insights into the past socio-cultural practices and the long term community transformation. According to older respondents, the previous generations were more tied up with the traditional agricultural systems, institutions of government within the community, and cultural rituals.

One of the older respondents said: In the past times, every family was almost entirely reliant on agriculture and community festivals were maintained together. Many youths nowadays venture out to work and traditional ways are not followed as was previously done. Observations in the field also indicated that the elders are still significant in preserving cultural knowledge and ritual practices especially in times of community festivals and religious ceremonies.

Nevertheless, there are some seniors who feared that the younger generations were slowly fading away in cultural practices as a result of migration, education, and shift in occupational trends. The ratio of the genders among respondents was relatively equal 22 male and 18 female respondents which allowed the study to free the views of both male and female on the socio-cultural transformation. In the interviews, the women who responded emphasized on the shift in household roles and decision making. According to some women, migration of males has made them more involved in agricultural management, financial decision making/community activities.

3.2 Landholding Pattern

The landholding pattern in the study area shows a high level of land fragmentation among the Tharu households. A majority of households (60%) own less than 10 kattha of land, while only a small proportion possess larger agricultural holdings, indicating increasing pressure on traditional farming livelihoods.

Source: Field Survey, 2025

Table 2 shows that land fragmentation is very high in Tharu community of the study area. Most households (60 percent) own less than 10 kattha of agricultural land with a very little percentage (15 percent) owning over one bigha of land. Also, 5 percent of households have no land at all which implies the development of land inequality and growing stress on agricultural livelihoods. These statistics point to a slow decreasing trend in the size of arable land to practice the traditional subsistence farming, which has been the main source of livelihood in the Tharu community. Small landholdings are dominant and this implies that agriculture is becoming unsuitable to maintain household livelihoods.

A number of the respondents indicated that the division of land by inheriting has led to a major decrease in the size of agricultural land because of generational divisions. When land is shared between two or more family members, the house holds a little part which limits the amount of agricultural produce and income generation. The qualitative interviews conducted among community members yielded more information on the reasons that led to diminishing landholdings.

Some of the respondents insisted that the increase in population and division of land between generations have progressively scaled down farmlands. One of the respondents (middle aged) elaborated: In the past, our grandparents possessed large agricultural land. But when divided among brothers and sons each family got but a little. The land is now too small to rely just on farming. The other reason that was found in interviews was the selling of farm land as a result of financial strains. Other households had sold part of their land in order to fulfill immediate family economic demands like medical bills, schooling fees, or housing constructions. Specifically, migration costs were often cited as one of the factors. One of the respondents who had a son who had gone to work as a migrant said: In the case when my son was going outside to find a job, we needed to organize finances in terms of travelling and other costs.

We disposed one small piece of land to cover the expense. Field observations also revealed that land transactions between indigenous households and migrants settlers have been on the increase over the past several decades. As the migration and settlement in the Terai region continue to rise, there are Tharu households that have sold land to migrant communities or local investors. Consequently, indigenous households have over time lost their agricultural land ownership in some regions. This decrease in land sizes has serious effects on livelihood practices in the society.

According to a number of the respondents, the lack of agricultural land has compelled the diversification of many households in terms of their economic activity, including wage labour, small business and the migration-based jobs. A young respondent stated: Our family does not just need farming due to the small land. Most of the individuals are employed through building work, stores, or by going out at work. These results indicate that the shrinking agricultural resource and fragmentation of land are significant factors of occupational diversification and migration in the Tharu community. Although agriculture is still a culturally important activity, its importance as the main means of livelihood is slowly eroding.

This is the reason why households are shifting towards alternative economic approaches to sustain their lives as the socio-economic conditions vary. The overall pattern of landholding as was observed in the study area, is closely tied to what is happening on a larger structural scale in rural Nepal, where the demographic pressure, economic transformation, and migration are transforming the traditional agricultural systems and affecting the socio-economic arrangement of the indigenous communities.

3.3 Family Structure

Family structure is an important component of the social organization of the Tharu community, as it shapes patterns of resource sharing, decision-making, and cultural transmission within households. Traditionally, Tharu society has been characterized by joint or extended family systems, where multiple generations live together and collectively manage agricultural activities, household responsibilities, and community participation. Such family arrangements historically supported cooperation in farming, ensured social security for elderly members, and facilitated the preservation of cultural traditions and rituals. However, broader socio-economic transformations, including migration, education, and occupational diversification, are gradually influencing household structures in many rural communities.

Source: Field Survey, 2025

The results of Table 3 show that the joint system of family remains to be the most widespread form of the household in the region of the study as 72.5 per cent of families reside in the extended family. This implies that the community of Tharu still has a strong family value and collective living practices. Joint families have some social and economic benefits especially in farming societies where work and support each other and making decisions which are necessary in sustaining livelihoods. Nevertheless, 27.5 percent of nuclear families show that there is a slow transition to smaller and more autonomous family units.

This trend is associated with the changing socio-economic conditions and changing the preferences of young generations in their lifestyle. Some of the respondents have justified that younger couples are gradually opting towards nuclear families because of the freedom to work or to get education and because they want to be more economically independent. The qualitative interviewing helped to gain more information about what led to these changes. Migration and free movement of labor turned out to be key forces that contributed to the change of family arrangements. Most of the respondents claimed that the young individuals tend to move to other areas or South African cities to access education, wage labor, and to conduct business.

In other instances, migrants create their own homes once they get married or once back to the community. One respondent explained: In the past, everyone used to stay like a family due to the fact that farming needed the support of everyone. So many youths today venture out to work or study and even when married they would rather reside independently. The other respondent also stressed the importance of economic independence in making family arrangements: When a son begins earning or securing a job, he desires to have his own house. This is the reason nuclear families are on the rise. There were also field observations that indicated the family organization is being affected due to the changing economic structure of the community. With the falling of agriculture and the rise of wage labor, there is no need to have large groups of labor in the farms to serve the interests of agriculture. Therefore, nuclear families are now more viable and acceptable to younger couples. Even though these changes have taken place, joint family systems remain relevant in keeping the society coherent and in preserving the culture within the society.

The family members who are elders tend to be custodians of culture and traditions especially during festivals, rituals, and other events that are enjoyable by the community. Most of the respondents stressed that although families eventually become nuclear, close kinship bonds and supportiveness of the extended family members are still significant elements of the Tharu social life. In totality, the results indicate that though the joint family system is still a culturally preferred and dominant system, gradual transition to arrangements of nuclear families is taking place. These changes indicate the wider socio-cultural processes caused by migration, modernization, and a shift in economic prospects in the community.

3.4 Educational Status

Education plays a crucial role in shaping socio-economic development and social mobility within rural communities. In the Tharu community, education has increasingly become an important pathway for improving livelihoods, accessing employment opportunities, and adapting to changing socio-economic conditions. Traditionally, educational participation among indigenous communities in the Terai was relatively low due to limited access to schools, economic constraints, and cultural practices that prioritized agricultural work over formal education. However, in recent decades, expansion of educational infrastructure, government policies promoting universal education, and exposure to migration and urban environments have gradually increased educational participation within the community.

Source: Field Survey, 2025

A chi-square test was conducted to examine gender differences in educational attainment.

χ² = 6.41, p < 0.05. The result indicates a statistically significant difference between male and female educational attainment, suggesting that male literacy and educational participation remain slightly higher than that of females.

The results in Table 4 suggest that the level of educational participation in the community has increased significantly especially in the primary and secondary levels. Primary school has become very common in the study area with the highest number of people (39.1) having attended primary education and secondary education (26.1) as the second. The number of higher education respondents (8%), across higher education (14%), also indicates a progressive rise in the higher order education among the younger generations. The qualitative interview conducted among teachers and community leaders in the area as well as parents showed that migration and exposure to the urban settings has been significant in creating awareness of education.

Families that included migrants stated that they were more focused on schooling as the way of gaining improved employment opportunities and enhance their socio-economic status. One local teacher noted: In the past, several children, particularly those in families of indigenous backgrounds, used to fail in school to help their families with farming. However now parents realize that they will need education to do future jobs. Some parents also noted the role of migration lives in determining educational ambitions. One of the respondents whose relative is not a district employee responded: Whenever individuals leave home to work they discover that education is valuable.

Most parents now desire that their children learn and acquire good jobs rather than relying solely on farming. Although there are these positive tendencies, the statistics indicate that there are still gender inequalities in education. The chi-square test affirms that there is a slight higher educational participation of males compared to that of the females. According to qualitative responses, set gender roles have in the past restricted access to education by girls especially in older generations where girls would tend to be expected to contribute to household duties or even get married early.   One of the female respondents responded by stating: Previously, there was no motivation to study among girls as they were to participate in household duties.

However, now is the time that parents are gradually altering their attitudes. Field notes further revealed that recent government policies, scholarships, and campaigns have led to a better female school enrolment. Nonetheless, there are still economic factors and social pressures that influence educational progression of girls at higher education levels as indicated by some respondents.

The other significant aspect that affects the improvement of education is the migration remittances. Some of the households have indicated that the income that migrant family members receive can assist them to pay their school fees, buy educational resources, and facilitate education to their children. A parent explained: My son is not in the district and the checks that he sends allow us to educate our children. In general, the results imply that education in Tharu society is slowly enhancing because of the rising awareness, exposure to migration, and the growing number of educational opportunities. Although primary and secondary education has been made very accessible, gender differences and socio-economic factors still affect the level of education. The increasing importance of education is the manifestation of the larger socio-cultural change in the community where schooling is gaining more and more significance as the gateway to the economic mobility and social progression.Top of Form

3.5 Occupational Structure

Occupational structure provides important insight into the economic organization of households and the changing livelihood strategies within a community. Traditionally, the Tharu community has been largely dependent on agriculture and related labor activities as the primary source of income. Farming, fishing, and forest-based activities historically formed the foundation of the local economy and shaped the social organization of the community. However, socio-economic changes such as migration, education, infrastructure development, and market integration have gradually diversified livelihood opportunities in rural areas. As a result, many households are now engaged in multiple occupations beyond traditional agriculture.

Source: Field Survey, 2025

The data given in Table 5 show that agriculture and wage labor continue to be the leading livelihood sources since these two sources of household income are 55.5 percent of the household income sources in the study area. This is a demonstration of the fact that agriculture remains a vital sector to keep rural households going within the Tharu community. Crop farming and agricultural work continue to be the source of income of many families. Nevertheless, in the information there is also increasing occupation diversification, which speaks of slow transformation of the economy in the community. Interestingly a significant percentage of households had been engaged in foreign employment (16.4%), small business (14.1%), and formal service-related jobs like teaching (11.7%). These results indicate that the households are turning towards alternative livelihood approaches due to the scarcity of agricultural land, population increase and the evolving economic opportunities.

These occupational changes were identified as vital in the qualitative interview with the community members who pointed out that migration has had a significant role in these changes. Some of the respondents said that family members have moved to other cities close to their locations like Dhangadhi, Mahendranagar, Kathmandu, or to other countries in search of jobs. Such migration experiences have helped these households to diversify their sources of income, as well as their reliance on agriculture. One respondent explained: The family cannot be sustained through agriculture due to small size of land. A lot of youths travel to cities or overseas nations to work to get a high pay.

A different respondent has pointed out that foreign work has also emerged to be a significant livelihood strategy to most households: My brother has been working overseas and this money that he remits enables us to meet the household bills and educate our children. Observations conducted in the field also revealed that migrant worker remittance is an important factor in welfare to the household. Some of the households said they used the remittance income to enhance the living conditions, invest in education of their children, buy land or farm animals, and start small businesses. Simultaneously, it was also emphasized by the respondents that social and cultural consequences of professional diversification and migration were also present. Elderly members of the community complained that the young who move to seek employment do not usually engage in the practice of traditional cultures such as community festivals, farming ceremonies, and social events.

One elder respondent stated: Previously the whole society had been involved in farming and community festivals. Today, there are a lot of youths working out in the streets thus they cannot always participate in these traditions. This observation is an indication that migration does not only lead to economic enhancement, but the social and cultural dynamics of the community as well. With more and more time spent by people out of their villages in terms of employment, the traditional expression of collective labor, cultural involvement, and community interaction may slowly fade away.

On the whole, the results show that Tharu community currently undergoes a high level of occupational diversification due to the process of migration, economic opportunities, and altering livelihood strategies. Although agriculture still has a significant role in the rural economy, there has been a growing involvement in non-agricultural activities that are indicative of the wider socio-economic changes that are occurring in the community. Such transformations point to the increasing incorporation of rural families into regional and global labour markets, as well as to the impact of these changes on the culture as well as social structure of the community.

4. Discussion

The results of the given research bring much significance to the key research question: Does migration change tradition among the Tharu community of Krishnapur Municipality? These findings indicate that the issue of migration has emerged to be a significant force that can cause socio-economic and cultural change in the Tharu community. These transformations are observed in various spheres of social life such as landholding patterns, livelihood strategies, educational attainment, family structure and culture.

These changes are symptomatic of larger-scale demographic transition, labour migration, and economic diversification, which are taking place in Nepal in rural areas. Meanwhile, the results indicate that cultural change does not always mean cultural disappearance; on the contrary, the traditions are constantly negotiated and changed in accordance with the migration and modernization. The findings are in line with general studies on indigenous communities in Nepal that show the significance of migration and social-economic change in transforming cultural practices and the structure of communities.

The research on the Tharu community implies that migration, modernization, and contact with other ethnic groups have led to the changes in rituals, festivals, and social establishments, which shows the changing character of the Tharu cultural identity [31].

4.1 Landholding Transformation and Economic Change

One of the major structural changes identified in this study relates to landholding patterns and agricultural livelihoods. The results indicate that the majority of households possess relatively small landholdings, with many owning less than 10 kattha of land and a small proportion being landless. This pattern reflects increasing land fragmentation and declining agricultural resources, which have important implications for the traditional agrarian economy of the Tharu community.

The Tharu people were once powerful agricultural settlers in the Terai region especially before the battle against malaria was successfully eliminated in the mid-twentieth century. The government resettlement programs and the migration of the hill areas however changed the demographic and landownership pattern of the Terai greatly. The studies of Rana Tharu communities in far-western Nepal show that all of these demographic changes weakened the indigenous control over land and stimulated the shift in livelihood strategies [17]. These observations are confirmed by the results of the current research.

The respondents indicated that land fragmentation has been caused by the division of inheritance, population increase and economic strains whereas the expenses associated with migration have also motivated some of the households to sell agricultural land. The same trends have been observed in a literature of agrarian Nepal, where it has been found that in many cases the effect of labour migration is a drop in agricultural activity, followed by use of more and more mechanization and wage labor [14]. Nevertheless, migration and agriculture are not directly associated. Whereas there are studies that focus on the negative impact of labour migration as it reduces the agricultural sector because of the shortage of labour, other studies emphasise the beneficial effects of the remittances on the household economic stability and facilitating investment in land, education, and housing.

The studies on migration and remittances effects in Nepal indicate that remittances have a significant-effects on household consumption and economic diversification [27]. In this way, the results of this research can be taken as grounds to argue that migration is one of the factors, which leads to the economic reorganization of rural populations, when the traditional subsistence agriculture gradually transforms into the more diverse livelihood policies.

4.2 Migration and Cultural Interaction

Migration acts as a significant cultural contact and social transformation in multiethnic communities. When applied to the situation of Terai Nepal, the immigration of peoples in the hills to the traditional Tharu villages has formed a dynamic social landscape of growing interethnic interaction and cultural exchange. These interactions encourage cultural diffusion, acculturation and social adaptation. According to sociological studies on the Tharu people, when the community is in close contact with migrant populations over time, new social norms and practices tend to get gradually integrated and the traditional cultural practices are also altered at the same time [23].

Due to daily contacts in the markets, educational institutions, work places and local institutions, various cultural groups affect each other and help to modify the social practices and cultural values. The results of the current paper reveal that interaction as a result of migration has had various effects on traditional Tharu social life. According to the respondents, there have been observable changes in marriage, family rituals and social practices. Traditionally, a customary practice of badal bibaha (exchange marriage, sometimes called badal) was widespread among the Tharu people, and it was based on the exchange of kinship between families. Nevertheless, the feedback of the surveys and the qualitative interviews indicate that the practice has decreased considerably over the past few decades. Rather, some practices which are related to dowry, traditionally linked to the superior culture of the Hindu, have been slowly adopted in certain families. Not only Tharu migrants, even other caste/ethnic community forgot their local cuture and tradition during the COVID period because they just wanted to live rather than celebrate their culture [5].

The community members described that the more people they interact with the migrant communities especially the hill regions, the more their understanding of the concept of marriage, social status and family expectations have been shaped. Such results are in line with other sociological theories of cultural assimilation and acculturation which hypothesize that a prolonged contact between minority and dominant cultural groups tends to result in the adoption or adjustment of cultural practices. Multiethnic settings often make minority groups to learn some practices among dominant groups so that they can integrate with the dominant populations and have access to economic freedom.

The same has been recorded in other works stipulating the lives of indigenous communities in Nepal, in which migration and modernization have led to shift in marriage systems, social rituals, and norms of communities. Similar tendencies of cultural change are also emphasized by recent empirical studies on Tharu people. An example of this could be [31], who was able to notice that life-cycle rituals, festivals, and social practices among the Tharu people have been changing substantially as they were exposed to more modernization, migration, and contact with other cultures.

The paper discovered that the conservative culture of ritual festivities, clothing style, and religious rituals is slowly adjusting to the modern socio-economic changes. Although there are traditions that have been diluted, there are those traditions that have been redefined or altered in a manner that they can coexist with the modern lives. Besides the marriage practices, culture interaction has also affected how people use language, type of dress and social conduct in the community. The younger generations are also using Nepali and other common languages in the learning and professional fields and this is occasionally promoting less use of Tharu dialects in their daily lives.

Likewise, the shift in mode of dressing and the lifestyles are portrayals of the urban culture and media exposure. Observations made in the field during the course of the research have shown that younger people tend to mix the traditional cultural components with contemporary ways of life, developing the hybrid characteristics of cultural expression.

Moreover, the cultural interaction does not always result in the extinction of the native customs. Rather, the results indicate that Tharu communities are actively involved in negotiation and reinterpretation of their cultural identity in adapting to the shifting social realities. Although certain practices have been abandoned, there are still a great number of significant cultural traditions that still prevail in social life: community festivals, ritual meetings, and general celebrations. Such events as Maghi and Ashtimki continue to be essential events used to strengthen the sense of solidarity and belonging among the community. In addition, qualitative interviewing found that people in the community are becoming more aware of the need to maintain their cultural heritage.

Local cultural institutions, the youth, and community leaders have initiated to conduct cultural awareness programs, performance of traditional dances, and cultural festivals as a way of preserving Tharu identity. Such projects show that cultural change is not a mere phenomenon of passive change, but a process that requires active attempts of communities to preserve and rejuvenate significant aspects of their heritage. Thus, the results of this paper indicate that cultural interaction as a result of migration creates a complicated mixture of shift and stability. Although migration brings new cultural elements and changes some of the traditions, it promotes the remaking and redefining of the cultural practice of the indigenous people. Cultural change within the Tharu community in this sense, therefore, needs to be conceived as not cultural loss but as an active process of adaptation and bargaining in the face of larger macro-socio-economic and demographic changes.

The socio-cultural findings regarding cross-border labour migration between Nepal and India reveal significant differences in demographics, religion, and caste. The majority of migrants are males aged 18 to 40, with women typically migrating only to accompany their husbands due to social norms and security concerns. These disparities are often linked to the migrants' socio-economic backgrounds and the pursuit of job opportunities among marginalized groups [4].

4.3 Social Transformation and Labour Migration

The paper also points out the increased significance of labour migration to be a key agent of socio-cultural change in the Tharu community. Within the last 20 years, labour migration has developed to be a more frequently used livelihood strategy by rural families in Nepal. In the region under study, a good number of the Tharu community youths leave their rural homes to move to urban areas in Nepal, India and other countries like the Gulf countries and Malaysia in pursuit of work. This is a national tendency where labour migration has become so institutionalized in the economic system of Nepal. As per latest migration statistics, millions of Nepali laborers are involved in overseas jobs and remittances have turned into a significant support of the domestic financial framework [32].

Migration of labour has also resulted in great economic advantages to the migrant families and communities. The remittance of migrant workers will increase household income, livelihood standards and will enable the families to sustain risks in economy linked to agriculture and livelihoods in the rural areas. Previous studies on the topic of labour migration in Nepal suggest that remittance income is significant in enhancing the access to education, health, housing and consumption behaviour among rural households [13]. On the same note, the national-level researches indicate that remittances make a significant share of the gross domestic product of Nepal and that they provide a vital source of financial resources to the rural populations ([32]; [11]).

These findings are highly based on the results of the current study. Most of the respondents indicated that the migration income has helped improve the welfare in the household. Some of the families had indicated that they use the remittances to educate their children, build or refurbish houses, buy farming inputs, and invest in small-scale businesses. As an example, some of the respondents said that the income earned through foreign jobs enabled them to replace the traditional mud houses with the new concrete houses or buy motorcycles and home appliances. This kind of investment does not only raise the standards of living but also social status within the society. Simultaneously, labour migration has led to the greater diversification of economies in the field of the study. As families get remittance income, they go out to seek other ways of livelihood other than traditional farming. According to some families, they would use remittance income to start small retail stores or transportation services or some other businesses in the local area.

This change is indicative of a broader process of economic change in the rural areas of Nepal, in which migration may be used to help in the substitution of subsistence farming with more diversified and market-driven economic practices. Although such are the economic gains, labour migration has produced enormous social effects, which have an impact on the family structure and community living. A significant problem as noted by the literature and findings made in this study is the fact that agricultural labour is scarce due to the out-migration of the young workers. Rural Nepal has shown that in cases where the young the men migrate in search of work, farming is usually kept alive by women, the old members of the family or those who are employed [2]. Similar trends were seen in the present study on the Tharu community whereby most families noted that women and the elderly members of the family have become more responsible in terms of taking up the aspect of farming and management of the house.

It was also found in qualitative interviews that migration alters the household roles and family relationships. Women often take up more responsibility in the financial management, decision-making, and community involvement in the home where the male household members have gone to foreign countries. According to some of the female respondents, having to do the household finances and farm work when their migrant family members are not around has made them more confident and socially active. This finding is in line with research findings that migration may be indirectly empowering women by broadening their functions at home and society. Migration, however, also poses social problems of family separation and less involvement in the community.

According to the respondents, migrant workers miss most of the significant cultural activities, family rituals and farming seasons. Their attendance at the traditional festivals, rituals as well as the community meetings is reduced. To illustrate, some of the older respondents were worried that the young migrants are less capable of attending festivals like Maghi that used to entail collective community celebrations and rituals. Moreover, high levels of unemployment among members of the working age group can influence the passing of cultural knowledge between generations. The folk dances, songs, and ritual performances (who are traditional practices) involve the involvement of young members of the community. When the migration time of these people is prolonged, there can be a decrease in cultural education and communication between generations.

In spite of these obstacles, migration does not always entirely undermine social connections. Most migrants have close relationships with their home communities because of constant contact, periodic visits to their home communities during festivals as well as financial support to both their family affairs and their home communities. Remittances are also spent in other situations on development projects within the community, religious activities or cultural activities. On the whole, the results indicate that labour migration acts as a two-sided process in Tharu community. On the one hand, it enhances economic prospects, household income and promotes social mobility by means of education and investment. Conversely, it distorts the roles of the family, lowers the labour supply in agriculture and could undermine the engagement in the traditional cultural activities. The results illustrate that labour migration is not just an economic event but also a strong force that is changing the social and cultural lives of the rural Nepalese society.

4.4 Education and Social Mobility

Education has come out as a very important aspect of influencing socio-cultural change in Tharu community. The results of this research suggest that the educational attainment has increased a lot as compared to the previous generations. The most commonly mentioned points by the respondents are that access to school has increased because of the opening of local schools and policies by the government concerning education and the creation of awareness among parents on the importance of education. Previously, a good number of Tharu families preferred farming and household chores to schooling, especially in the rural regions where schools were scarce. Nevertheless, the current findings propose that education has become more and more an imperative channel of livelihoods improvement and upward social mobility.

This change represents wider shifts in the education of Nepal. In recent decades, government programs that endeavor to support universal education, enhanced school infrastructure and scholarships to the marginalized communities have helped tremendously in boosting the rate of school enrollment. This has led to a gradual increase in literacy levels of the indigenous communities like the Tharu. The results of this paper agree with the other literature that education is one of the primary tools of socio-economic mobility of rural citizens in Nepal and the younger generation is able to seek other job opportunities other than agriculture. The process of migration seems to be significant to strengthen this move towards increased focus on education. The family that has migrants tends to show increased awareness with regard to the significance of education since migrants are exposed to various social and economic conditions in the external village.

Migrant laborers often acknowledge the fact that they need to have high education to secure skilled jobs and enhance economic opportunities. This means that educational investment on children is a major priority of many migrant families. Some of the respondents in the research said that the remittance income level due to migration is utilized to pay school fees, buying of learning materials as well as higher education. These results go hand in hand with the migration and remittance studies in Nepal which demonstrate that remittance income households are more likely to invest in education and human capital development.

According to studies conducted by [27], remittances have been found to lead to better educational results through decreasing their financial obligations and allowing families to enroll their children in better schools. Equally, research works by Sunam and McCarthy (2016) indicate that there is a tendency in migration income to fund long-term investments in education, health, and housing, which create better social mobility among households in the rural areas. Nevertheless, such favourable trends existed besides these findings in the study, there were still some gaps in the attainment of education by the gender among the population. According to the results of the survey, the proportion of male literacy is still a bit higher compared to female literacy. The gender gap is slowly closing but because of traditional gender norms, educational opportunities still affect some of the families. In the earlier times, girls were usually supposed to help in home chores, taking care of the children and working in the field which curtailed their formal education. Consequently, the respondents who were older women had less literacy as opposed to their male counterparts.

The qualitative interviews conducted with the members of the community have shown that the attitude to the education of girls is gradually evolving. Most parents have realized the need to give equal education opportunities to both boys and girls. Scholarship schemes by the government, sensitization and community education programs that have encouraged girls to acquire education have also helped in enhancing the enrollment of girls in schools. However, there are some respondents who observed that economic issue and cultural norm remain a factor to decisions on the education of girls, especially when it comes to the higher level of schooling.

The results are aligned with the overall literature of the indigenous communities in Nepal, which points out the fact that despite the greater involvement in education, the issue of gender inequalities is still significant. According to the research on rural and indigenous populations, girls are likely to encounter further obstacles to their further education because of early marriage, domestic work, and financial constraints. Thus, although the access to education has increased, full gender equality in education is also a process. Education also has an impact on occupational goals and social mobility among society. The younger generations are now more willing to undertake a professional life in government work, teaching, business or technical jobs instead of doing the old traditional agricultural jobs.

The respondents reported that education gives them a chance of having stable jobs and increased income which consequently, enhances both social status and economic security. Consequently, education is slowly redefining the occupational set up of the society and promoting diversification of livelihood. Moreover, education helps in the wider socio-cultural change by opening the mind of individuals to new ideas, values and social views. Educated youths tend to become more socially conscious on the matters of gender equality, health practices and civic engagement. Such exposure will be able to affect the existing social norms and help gradually change the attitude and practices of the community.

In general, the results indicate that education is a major factor that contributes to the relationship between migration, economic and cultural change in the Tharu community. Even though migration gives every opportunity in terms of finances and exposure which fosters investment on education, education in itself is a driving force towards wider societal change. With more access to education, the younger generations receive the chances of living better lives and being more involved in the current economic processes, thus forming the developing socio-cultural environment of the community. Top of FormBottom of Form

4.5 Transformation of Family Structure

Family organization within the Tharu community has also undergone gradual transformation as a result of socio-economic change, migration, and modernization. Traditionally, Tharu society was characterized by a joint or extended family system, in which multiple generations lived together and shared economic responsibilities, agricultural labor, and household resources. Such arrangements were particularly well suited to agrarian livelihoods, where collective labor was essential for farming activities, livestock management, and the maintenance of household economies. In addition, joint family structures played an important role in preserving cultural traditions and ensuring the transmission of social values across generations.

There has also been a slow gradual change in the family organization in the Tharu community due to the socio-economic change, migration, and modernization. Conventionally, there was a joint or extended family structure, where the Tharu lived together with several generations and there was a division of economic role, farming work and domestic resources. This kind of arrangement was especially appropriate to agrarian lifestyles, where there was a collective work requirement needed to either support farming, the control of livestock, or the upkeep of the domestic economy. Moreover, joint families were also significant in upholding the cultural practices and passing across the social values to other generations. The results of the research point to the idea that even though the joint family system still prevails, a slight movement towards nuclear family households can be observed and this allows assuming the gradual change in the structure of households. Some of the respondents justified the reason by saying that younger couples are increasingly desiring to set up independent homes upon getting married.

The trend has been indicative of the social changes taking place in the rural Nepal as shifts in the employment, education, and migration patterns are altering the rural family framework. Migration and free movement of labor in the labor market seems to be major drivers of this change. Migrant youths have a tendency to live new types of lives and economic independence when they move to urban centres or other foreign countries in search of jobs. When they come back to their community, most of them opt to set up different households instead of being housed in a larger family set up. In other instances, migrants also construct new homes with their remittance money which also contributes to the establishment of nuclear families. Other rural parts of Nepal have also recorded similar trends as migration has helped to slowly transform the traditional extended family structures into smaller structures of autonomous families.

The qualitative interviews, which were made in the process of research, demonstrated that one of the primary reasons of this change is economic independence. According to the respondents, when the young family members are earning their income via migration or working under a salary, they want to make their own decisions concerning finances and their household. As one of the respondents described, earning members tend to be more independent in their expenditures of the house, education of children, and their own investments. This represents a general trend of individualized decision-making in the economy of the community. Nevertheless, regardless of such changes, joint family system still remains very important in the social organization of the Tharu people. Extended family set ups are still practiced in many households as they offer valuable social and economical support networks.

Precisely, joint families are advantageous to senior family members, who require the care of the family and to children whose parents are involved in the migrant work. In the event that young adults move out to seek employment, grandparents and other family members are left with the burden of taking care of children and take care of the home. Migration and family studies in Nepal have also shown that the extended family systems tend to change instead of fading away over time due to migration. Migration in most instances enhances the value of the extended family support since family members who are left in the village undertake more roles concerning farming, childcare, and family management.

Thus, the migration does not always mean the ultimate disintegration of joint families but causes rather flexible family structures that include joint and nuclear families. More so, joint families also continue to exist, which means that Tharu people have solid cultural values that relate to kinship solidarity and collective responsibility. Even though there are family members living in different locations, family ties and social interactions are still strengthened by festivals, rituals, and community events. Most of the respondents reiterated that despite the rising number of nuclear families, close connections between members of the extended families are still significant in preserving cultural values and social networks.

In general, the results indicate that the process of transforming the family structure in Tharu community is a complex and slow process. Although the concept of migration, economic independence and the concept of modernization promote the establishment of nuclear families, the joint family system still has significant social and cultural roles to play. Instead of totally transforming the traditional family set-ups, migration seems to be redefining them into more adaptive and flexible arrangements that are more responsive to the shifting socio-economic situations.

4.6 Cultural Change and Ritual Transformation

Perhaps the most evidenced outcome of the socio-cultural change caused by migration is the process of changes in the old cultural practices and ritual life among the Tharu people. This research has shown that traditional dances, songs and community festivals have been slowly being shunned especially among youths. Traditionally, the cultural performances were strongly associated with the agricultural practices, annual celebrations as well as communal living.

The traditional events used to involve the involvement of many members of the community and formed significant socialization events, cultural education and passing of generation. But, due to the growing migration, academic obligations, and the diversification of occupation, young people have less time and space in which to take an active part in such traditional cultural practices. Some of the traditional cultural performances like Sakhiya Nach and Lathi Nach that once dominated the celebration of Tharu community are now not being practiced in certain regions. The traditional dances were normally performed on the big festivals and communal events and they were accompanied by traditional music, traditional costumes and ritual symbolism. They were not only artistic expressions but they also strengthened social unity and identity in the society. Previously the dances were done by both genders and the young individuals were taught the dances by the seniors as part of the culture transfer process. Nonetheless, the respondents in the current work cited that the current generation has become less and less engaged in such performances as a result of migration, education and exposure to contemporary entertainment activities.

In the same manner, primitive forms of arts like Mokha wall paintings are slowly vanishing in certain societies. Mokha art that was traditionally painted by Tharu women onto the walls of mud houses at festivals and other special occasions, was also a significant aspect of cultural identity and aesthetic expression. These artworks were usually symbolic patterns, elements of nature and religious patterns that were associated with the connection of the community with nature and religion. The modern cement construction has however replaced the physical space where such artistic practices were being practiced traditionally, albeit gradually. With the changing housing trends and the increased use of modern construction materials, there has been reduced possibilities of preserving these old forms of art.

Such observations are aligned with recent studies on the socio-cultural change in Tharu community. An example is [31] stating that modernization, migration, and intensified interactions with other cultural groups have helped in bringing about a significant transformation in the life-cycle rituals, festivals, and cultural practices of Tharu people. This study indicates that the external social and economic forces are also changing the cultural traditions by altering the practices of the traditional ceremonies, dressing style, and community festivals. Migration is also a factor that determines their culture participation patterns in the community. Since most of the youths who move to get education or work in other countries stay longer without going back to the village, they cannot attend the customary cultural activities on a regular basis.

This lack has the potential of diminishing the passing of culture between the elder and the young generation. A number of the respondents of the study observed that the old songs, dances and rituals have now been retained mostly by the old people in the society, and the young people might not be very familiar with such practices. The study results, despite these changes, demonstrate the strength of Tharu culture and its flexibility as well. Community life has many significant festivals and rituals, which still play a leading role. The cultural events like Tharu New Year through celebrations like Maghi still occur as one of the best cultural events in the community. Maghi is a time when families come together to eat, hold rituals and community gatherings, cementing the bond between social groups and culture.

Likewise, traditional festivals like the Holi and Ashtimki still offer a chance to have a collective celebration as well as cultural expression as well as solidarity of the community. These festivals are not just religious or cultural events, they are also symbolic demonstrations of group affiliation and cultural survival. The migrants even in pursuit of employment seek to come home especially during major festivals so that they can join in the celebration of their families and communities. This implies that cultural identity is so entrenched into the community, despite social and economic changes.

Moreover, the communities and local organizations are becoming more sensitive about the significance of maintaining the indigenous cultural heritage. Cultural programs, community festivals and tourism programs have also been started in certain places to enhance Tharu dances, music and expressions. These endeavors are set to restore cultural practices and mold them to the modern social environment. All in all, the results have shown that cultural change among Tharu people is a complex process which is dynamic and also continuous. Although the traditional cultural practices have been affected by migration, modernization and technological change, they have not led to the loss of the Tharu cultural identity. Rather, it is adapting, reinterpreting and preserving selectively many traditions so that the community can retain its cultural heritage and react to larger socio-economic changes.

4.7 Modernization, Technology and Infrastructure

The socio-cultural change experienced by rural population (including the Tharu in the study area) has been brought about by modernization, technological development and the development of infrastructure. Over the past few decades, with advancements in the transport and communication systems and the increase in social services, the rural settlements have been slowly being incorporated into the wider regional and national economies. The developments have made people more mobile, markets are more accessible and people in the rural areas are more in touch with those in the urban areas.

Consequently, new opportunities, notions, and types of social interaction have transformed the social and cultural environment of traditional communities. Road networks and enhancement of transportation facilities are one of the most significant changes that have been witnessed in the study area. Previously, people could not move or trade between villages and towns within the vicinity because there was lack of transport infrastructure. Nonetheless, roads have been developed and upgraded, which has enhanced accessibility to Krishnapur Municipality and other big cities like Mahendranagar and Dhangadhi. The ease of access has eased movement of people, goods, and services thus community members have been in a position to trade, get employment, and education beyond their villages.

This enhanced connectivity has also enhanced the migration networks since individuals can find it easy to travel to urban areas or the international migration paths. Communication technologies have changed social interaction and access to information besides improving transportation. The use of mobile phones, television and internet services has been more prevalent in rural families. The technologies also allow people to maintain contact with their family members when they migrate to get jobs hence lowering the social distance brought about by migration. Through mobile phones and social media, migrant workers tend to be in constant touch with their families, thereby enabling them to participate in the decision-making process and family activities of their families even when physically separated. Besides, the availability of television and internet services expose the rural societies to the extended access to outside cultural influences.

Community members are exposed to new ways of life, cultural ideals, fashions and entertainment that have their origin in the urban centers or international settings through media consumption. This exposure also helps in changing attitudes, aspirations and consumption patterns especially among the younger generations. Young juveniles are embracing new modes of dressing, type of music and the type of activities they engage in which are wider global cultural patterns. The rural economic activity and agricultural practice has been affected by technological development as well. The old methods of farming are slowly being complemented or substituted by the use of mechanized farming methods that include the use of tractors, better seeds, chemical fertilizers and modern irrigation systems. These technologies enhance production in agriculture and save reliance on manual labor.

They, however, also modify the ancient forms of agricultural cooperation and sharing of labor that had been significant in the Tharu society. Mechanization erodes the collective labor organization that used to strengthen the community cohesion in the planting and harvesting periods. Accessibility to education, healthcare, and services of the state has also increased due to infrastructure development, which also led to socio-cultural change. Better access to schooling will mean more people will be able to join education, and the increased healthcare facilities will result in better living conditions and shifts in demographics. All these changes contribute to the increase in human capital among the rural communities and provoke the desire to work in modern fields and live in cities

Digital connectivity is another valuable feature of modernization that opened rural communities to new experiences of social interaction, as well as to economic opportunities. Online systems are accessible and provide access to information and digital services, as well as market opportunities that are not easily accessible in remote geographical locations. Digital media is becoming popular among the youngsters as a source of learning, communication and entertainment and this influences their social identity and worldview. Nonetheless, such technological impacts can also lead to a decline of interest in traditional cultural practices since the younger generations are spending more time using digital media as opposed to getting involved in cultural activities in their communities.

Meanwhile, the traditional cultural values are not completely substituted by modernization and technological change. Rather they develop a dynamic cultural adjustment process where the old ways of doing things coexist with new ways of life. As an illustration, members of the society can utilize modern technology and hold festivals, get in touch with their family when they gather during cultural gatherings, or even advertise cultural heritage on online platforms. Social media and digital communication tools have in other instances also been utilized to popularize Tharu cultural festivals and traditions and hence aid in preservation and dissemination of the cultural identity of the indigenous people to the rest of the world. On the whole, the results indicate that modernization, technological advancements, and building up of infrastructures is significant in influencing the socio-cultural transformation of the Tharu community. The enhanced movement, communication systems and access to economic resources has enhanced interaction with the urban and global surroundings that affects social organization, lifestyle and traditions. Concurrently, these transformations do not always accompany the fading away of the traditional culture but are part of the process of adaptation where communities strike a balance between the traditional values and modernism in their daily life.

4.8. Cultural Identity and Preservation

Although a number of socio-economic and cultural changes have been witnessed in the study area, the Tharu community lacks the feeling of cultural identity since it has its long-term traditions, rituals, and social practices. The traditional festivals, native foods, community events, and ritualistic culturally related activities are also vital parts of the ordinary social existence. Festivals such as Maghi, the Tharu New Year, with a major cultural and spiritual value, still remain important events that allow confirming the belonging to a specific community and reinforcing kinship ties. Through these, families come together in such events to celebrate using traditional foods, music, dancing, and ritual practices that strengthen common cultural values and collective memory. Besides festivals, other traditional cultural forms like folk songs, dance performances and community rituals also remain significant in ensuring that social cohesion is exercised within the Tharu community. Such activities allow the intergenerational interaction, where the ageing transfer cultural knowledge, narrations, and practices to the youths in the society. Cultural events are also used to strengthen community unity as well as settle disputes and social connections that are key towards social wellbeing.

Nevertheless, on the one hand, this cultural strength, on the other hand, the fears associated with the preservation of the traditions of the indigenous people become more and more expressed by the members of the community, scholars, and cultural activists. Topics that were most discussed among the respondents in the study were that some cultural practices, including traditional dances, native languages and ritual ceremonies are slowly becoming less prominent because of migration, modernization and the impact of the other dominant cultural norms. The same has been expressed in recent studies on indigenous population of Nepal, which points to difficulties of such a group as the Tharu in terms of cultural identity amid socio-economic change and globalisation [30].

The dilemma between cultural continuity and socio-economic development is one of the major problems facing the indigenous communities. Modernization, education, and migration on the one hand offer chances to economic development, better living standards and social mobility. Conversely, the processes may generate some pressures that undermine traditional cultural practices and community institutions. As an example, the migration can diminish the involvement of young generations in the local festivals and cultural events, and the growing use of major languages in education and working situations situations can contribute to the slow fading of the native language use.

However, the cultural identity of Tharu people proves to be quite flexible. Instead of being entirely forgotten, most of the cultural practices are being redefined and altered to fit the modern societal realities. Members of the community have started realizing the need to conserve their cultural heritage and have started to hold cultural activities, local festivals, and create awareness programs that will encourage Tharu identity. In certain regions, local cultural organizations and youth groups are involved in many community events and cultural exhibitions to save the traditional dances, music and art forms. Moreover, cultural preservation has been provided by new opportunities developed as a result of the promotion of cultural tourism and heritage programs in the Terai region. Such programs not only help the culture to be proud of their heritage by displaying traditional Tharu architecture, cuisine, and performing arts, but also create economic opportunities in the community.

These activities show that cultural preservation and socio-economic development are not mutually exclusive because cultural heritage has turned out to be an asset. The digital media and education are also becoming a significant part in the maintenance of cultural identity. The younger generations are more exposed to the modern technology, global communication networks, and, in some cases, share and promote the Tharu cultural practices through digital means. Social media, as an example, have been used as a means where cultural performance, traditional festivals and indigenous knowledge are recorded and distributed to the larger public. Such online interaction is able to maintain cultural sensitivity even in people who have migrated out of their traditional societies. Altogether, the research results should indicate that migration and modernization do play a role in changing traditional cultural practices of Tharu people.

Nonetheless, the change should not be seen merely as loss or disappearance of culture. Rather, it is an expression of a dynamic culture-adaptation and culture-reinterpretation process where communities make tradeoffs between heritage preservation and adaptation to shifting socio-economic circumstances. Migration, in this regard, is both a challenge and an opportunity: on the one hand, it brings new cultural influences, which negatively impact the traditional practice; on the other hand, it also allows communities to be more active and think about their cultural identity in a changing social environment. Thus, the future of Tharu culture is not just to hold on to the traditional practices, but also to come up with strategies that will facilitate the preservation of the culture and the social-economic development. Policies that promote indigenous cultural rights, support community-based cultural programs, and encourage inclusive development can play an important role in ensuring that the Tharu community continues to sustain its rich cultural heritage while benefiting from the opportunities created by modernization and migration.

5. Conclusion and Policy Implications

This paper aimed to answer the main issue as presented in the title of the article, which is, does Migration Transform Tradition? by analysing the socio-cultural changes patterns within the Tharu, Krishnapur Municipality, Ward No. 5, of the Kanchanpur District, Nepal. The results are clear to illustrate that migration along with more general processes of modernization, change in technology, and economic integration have a major part to play in influencing changes in the social and cultural life of the community. The data that has been obtained with respect to the traditional socio-cultural institutions indicate that they are not becoming extinct but are rather adapting gradually to changing socio-economic circumstances based on the evidence provided by the use of household survey information, qualitative interviews and field observations.

Among the key discoveries of the research, there is the issue of economic change in society. The findings indicate that landholdings are on the decrease and land is being fragmented as a result of this, thereby diminishing the ability of agriculture to act as a self-sufficient source of livelihood to many families. Although farming is still an important part of the culture, it does not provide enough people with farms to meet their economic demands. This has seen the households diversify their livelihoods to include wage labor, foreign workers, small businesses, and service sector jobs. Migration has thus become an important livelihood approach that allows the households to address the economic tensions and seek to accomplish the better standards of living. Another significant point that is identified in the study is the growing dimension of education in building social mobility and ambitions among the society.

The number of learners in schools and colleges has risen to a high rate as compared to the previous generations, which demonstrates not only the raised accessibility to educational establishments but also corresponds to the increase in the number of people aware of the necessity of education. This tendency seems to be supported by the migration processes, as the families including migrants tend to use the income of remittances to invest in the education of their children. Despite the fact that there is still gender disparity in education especially among the older generations, there has been an indication that the attitude towards the learning of girls is slowly transforming. Growth of educational levels is also shaping occupation patterns whereby the younger generations are opting to work out instead of depending on the farming sector. The other dimension of change that is important relates to family organization and household structure.

The results show that even though the joint family system is a major characteristic of the Tharu community, nuclear families are slowly taking shape. The driving force of this change is largely migration and movement of employment since young migrants tend to form their own families when married or during a time back to jobs outside the village. Nevertheless, the existence of joint families serves as an additional indication of the importance of the continued role of the kinship networks that offer social, childcare, and economic stability to the migrated households. The research also finds that cultural practices and life of ritual have changed significantly.

The traditional practices like exchange marriage, some community dances, and indigenous arts have either gone down or been altered due to modernization or the changing lifestyle. Some of the cultural performances like Sakhiya Nach and Lathi Nach that were very vital in celebrations in the community are currently being used less in a few households. Equally, the traditional forms of art like Mokha wall paintings are slowly becoming extinct since the modern cement houses are substituting the traditional mud houses. These transformations show that the process of economic growth, migration, and technological progress may play a role in demonstrating cultural traditions. However, the results also show the strength and flexibility of Tharu cultural identity.

The socio-economic transformation notwithstanding, the cultural festivals like Maghi, Holi, and Ashtimki still seem to be at the centre of keeping the community together with continuity of culture. These celebrations serve as the primary times of group celebration that strengthens a sense of common identity and intergenerational relationships. To this, cultural change is not to be understood as the only form of cultural loss; cultural change is instead a dynamic process whereby traditions are re-figured and re-adapted to new realities of the social contexts in the present. In general, the paper indicates that migration is a factor of cultural change and not cultural disappearance. The contact between migrant people, urban living and involvement in wider labor markets bring new values, ideas and economic opportunities and alter the traditional institutions.

Meanwhile, the Tharu people are also involved in negotiating such changes by selectively maintaining and modifying the significant aspects of the cultural heritage. Policy Implications This study has various implications to policy and development planning. First, the development policies are supposed to consider the economic value of migration and consider its social implications as well. The programs which are focused on assisting the migrant workers and their families like financial literacy training programs, remittance management programs and social protection mechanisms can assist in maximizing the developmental gains of migration and also reducing the adverse effects of migration. Second, the policies must encourage inclusive education and gender equity among the indigenous populations.

The existing educational inequalities can be minimized by expanding scholarship programs, ensuring better access to higher education, and encouraging education in girls to contribute to the long-term socio-economic mobility. Third, the local and national governments need to come up with measures to preserve and safeguard the indigenous cultural heritage. The traditional dances, rituals, languages, and other forms of artworks that are slowly fading away can be preserved by cultural preservation programs, projects on cultural studies that involve communities and the documentation of cultural heritage. Fourth, in rural development programs, there ought to be diversification of livelihoods in a sustainable manner. Small business, agricultural modernization, and rural entrepreneurship can also be supported to minimize overreliance on migration as well as enhance local economic resilience in communities.

Lastly, the development of infrastructure and growth of technology must take the form of respect and inclusion of local cultural values. There can be an assurance that development of policies promoting the involvement of communities in the development planning can make sure that modernization processes will not undermine but enhance the cultural identity of the indigenous people. To sum up, the change experienced in the Tharu community of Krishnapur Municipality has been a wider representation of more general social change going on in the rural parts of Nepal. Migration, education and modernization are also transforming the traditional institutions and way of life, and are leading to economic mobility and cultural adaptation. It is important to learn these complicated relations between migration and tradition in order to design the development policies that would promote socio-economic development, as well as the conservation of indigenous cultural heritage.Top of Form